The first Agora session for the year was ushered in in spectacular fashion. Chinua Achebe’s prowess to provoke thought was felt throughout the session. There was no shortage of themes to reflect the position of our character in the political field as an African and particularly a Kenyan polity. How else would the power to inform patterns through literature during elections have been felt other than a reflection on The Voter.
Amid discussion, the resemblance became apparent between the Umuofian election culture and the Kenyan approach toward the value attached to their votes. In the same way Roof and his assistant approached the five elders to grease their palms for their votes and those of their wives, the National Crime Research Centre reported bribery to be among the leading election offences practised in Kenya in 2016.
It was commonplace that politics in Kenya has long been associated with individuals with scandalous affiliations. In July of 2022, the EACC recommended the disqualification of 241 individuals from running for office on various grounds, including convictions. Out of the 241, only 5 were barred from running. Much like Chief the Honourable Marcus Ibe had dodged dismissal from allegations of impregnating a female teacher, it would seem that the threshold for holding office in Kenya is involvement in one way or the other in a scandal.
Additionally, the mentality of Umuofians in their expectations toward the political elite seems to be shared by Kenyans. In his fashion, Achebe connotes firewood to the handouts that both political parties (PAP and POP) give out to the citizens to sway the votes in their favour. What was particularly interesting throughout the discussion was that, devoid of subtlety, the elders acknowledged that times had changed. They intimate that had Honourable Ibe been a poor man, their votes would have been cast in his favour for free. However, since they had witnessed how many returns he had collected over the 5 years in office, their demands had risen.
In the same vein, every campaign period in Kenya is accompanied by expectations from the electorate for the candidates to “invest” in their campaigns.
Consequently, this premise was used to justify the corrupt nature of leaders once settled in office. The question posed was whether it was economically, even logically, reasonable to use more money to get into office than the amount they would be expected to amass throughout their tenure in office. This philosophy seems to be one subscribed to by Kenyan leaders and Umuofian leaders alike. Chief the Honourable’s two long cars sound a lot like Millicent Omanga’s 28 million Kenyan shillings worth of Bentley Bentayga, or Ali Hassan Joho’s fleet of Mercedes-Benz G63’s AMGs.
I mean, would you pass up the chance had it been offered to you? This question brought forth reflections upon the possibility of the conduct portrayed by the political elite in Kenya as being an extension of a widespread moral standing shared by each and every single member of Kenyan society. Inherently, it would seem that enough has never been a standard for any one of us, and more will always be needed. Did not Rufus Okeke risk his life by taking an oath by the iyi for five pounds, yet as it turned out, Chief the Honourable had taken him in as one of his own?
It would also appear that progress in the right direction by post- independence African states has stalled, if not regressed. Published in 1973, it is mind- boggling to see the same state of affairs portrayed in Umuofia, as a representation of the Nigerian political realm, replicated in Kenya half a century later.
It is no wonder now that in the age of capitalism, as was noted in the discussion, everything has become currency. From votes to honour.
A critical assessment of the text in The Voter suggests a clarion call to voters, African and Kenyan alike, to strive for change in how they arrive at decisions during elections. Otherwise, bad leadership and poor governance will ring in their ears without stopping like a broken record.
